By Christina M. Greer
The regular immigration of black populations from Africa and the Caribbean during the last few many years has essentially replaced the racial, ethnic, and political panorama within the usa. yet how will those "new blacks" behave politically in the US? utilizing an unique survey of recent York urban employees and a number of nationwide facts assets, Christina M. Greer explores the political importance of ethnicity for brand spanking new immigrant and native-born blacks. In an age the place racial and ethnic identities intersect, intertwine, and have interaction in more and more advanced methods, Black Ethnics bargains a robust and rigorous research of black politics and coalitions within the post-Civil Rights period.
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Extra info for Black Ethnics: Race, Immigration, and the Pursuit of the American Dream
Again, in agreement with Waters’s conclusion that national identities matter in the lives of black immigrants, this work theorizes that nation and identity do not negate the powerful permanence of racial classification for phenotypically black people living in the United States. Thus, foreign-born blacks may be able to distinguish themselves as elevated blacks from native-born blacks in ways Waters (2001); however, the dissolution of their black status is not possible. It is impossible to remove the black phenotype that serves as the fundamental distinction between black immigrants from Africa or the Caribbean and the assimilation narratives of Irish, Italian, and Jewish immigrants, or even current immigrants and Latin America or Asia.
The understanding of race for black newcomers is that racial formation and construction is a largely unique phenomenon applicable to the United States. New immigrants may not easily or readily accept or adhere to the racial categories ascribed to them upon their arrival in the country and therefore cannot (or should not) be expected to automatically accept or identify with the larger black American racial category or group as a whole. 11 Du Bois argued that poor whites received a “public psychological wage” by being “not black” in the United States, which proved their fitness for membership in a free community (Roediger 1991; Ignatiev 1995).
Torres 1995; Massey and Denton 1993). The definition of black ethnic relations that I use in this book extends Reuel Rogers’s (2006) substantial work on Afro-Caribbean and black American political relationships and incorporation into the political system. Rogers describes the relationship between Afro-Caribbean and African Americans in New York City, and the complex negotiations that arise for both groups: Afro-Caribbean’s distinctive ethnic background and immigrant status make for differences in how they and their native-born counterparts perceive and participate in the political process.